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German Politics
Topic Started: Jan 5 2012, 05:27 PM (1,212 Views)
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The German Kaiser and the Federal Executive

The German Kaiser, who is also king of Prussia chooses the Reichskanzler who in turn appoints the ministers of the government. The Reichskanzler in also President of Prussia and chairman of the Bundesrat. It has the power to propose legislation.





Bundesrat

The Bundesrat consists of representatives of the states sent to the Bundesrat by their respective governments. Together with the Reichstag it is the body which allows proposed legislature to become law. Fourteen votes count as a veto, rejecting any proposal.

Prussia:17
Bavaria: 6
Saxony: 4
Wurttemberg: 4
Baden: 3
Hesse: 3
Mecklenburg-Schwerin: 2
Brunswick: 2
17 other small states: each with 1 vote





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Reichstag
The Reichstag is elected by universal male suffrage over the age of 25. The Reichstag is required for the passing of Imperial laws ( with the Reichsrat ), and has the power to propose legislature, which would have to be approved both by the Bundesrat and Federal Executive before becoming law.

Makeup of the Reichstag:
397 Seats total, 199 needed for majority

Right Wing or Reactionary Parties: 157

German Conservative Party (DKP - Conservatives) 56
National Liberal Party (NL - National Liberals) 46
Antisemiten (AS - Anti-Semites) 13
Deutsche Reichspartei (DRP - Conservative Nationalists) 23
Bund der Landwirte (BL - Farmers) 6
Bavarian Peasants' League (BB) 5
German People's Party (DVP - Radical liberals) 8

Center Parties: 143
Centre Party (Zentrum - Political Catholics) 102
Freeminded People's Party (FVP - Liberals) 29
Freeminded Union (FV - Liberals) 12

Left Wing Parties: 56
Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) 56

Regionalist and Other Parties: 42

Polen (P - Polish Regionalists) 14
Alsatianen (A - French and Alsatian regionalists) 10
German-Hanoverian Party (DHP - Hanover regionalists) 9
Danen (D - Danish Regionalists) 1
Other 7

Edited by German Empire, Jan 18 2012, 08:01 AM.
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20 January, 1900: A press release from the Foreign Office released today stated that in response to the searching of German mail steamers off South Africa German naval officers will be placed on a number of Royal Navy ships to make sure that all proper procedures are followed. The agreement was made with her majesties government earlier this month and it is expected that it will help to reduce the recent tension which have arisen over South Africa.

However, the South African affair has highlighted that German shipping cannot rely on international protection. This is an extremely worrying development for the German government, especially in regards to the latest rapport of the Chamber of Commerce of Hamburg.


Edited by German Empire, May 1 2012, 08:21 AM.
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March, 1900: The Meat bill has been presented to the Reichstag for the second time after having been modified. The Government has said before that it cannot accept this bill and will not do so in its modified form. However, the agrarian elements in the Reichstag think they might be able to pressure the government into accepting the Bill.

However, the trade council and the Chamber of Commerce of Hamburg have mobilised their support against the Bill, stating that the Bill would be extremely detrimental to their overseas trade.

It is generally accepted that this Bill, which would ban the imports of all meat and lard, if passed would cause a tariff war with the Unites States as it is against it that this Bill is clearly aimed. Additionally, Great Britain would not be pleased as Australian meats would be shut out of the market.
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Late March, 1900: The Meat Bill has suffered several setbacks these last few weeks. First, "The Elders of the Merchants" gathered in the bourse of Berlin and condemned the Meat Bill in the strongest terms. Together with several other Chambers of Commerce the Elders sent telegraphs and letters to the Reichstag.

Secondly the House of Commons of Great Britain made it clear that strong measures would be taken on the part of the people of Britain if the Meat Bill was to come into existence. Following these blows several within the agrarian faction thought of amending the Bill to only sausages or canned meat. However after several days it became clear that the agrarians will still demand all or nothing.

Slowly the Meat Bill battle is developing into a larger battle between the rich large landholders who are pushing for several protectionist measures and the liberals supported by the merchants who insist that such tariffs would lead to a tariff war which would be detrimental to the German economy.

The German public itself is divided between the two camps. The late coal and coke famine due to excessive exports to Bohemia and The Netherlands on behalf of the coal cartels have swung many in favour of tougher government oversight on trade. However the increase in price which would inevitably follow protectionist measures on the agrarian sector does not seem attractive.
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April, 1900: The Meat Bill was quashed by a significant majority in the Reichstag this month. After the events of last month no other outcome could be expected.

However, the strong debates about new tariffs still rage throughout Germany.
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June, 1900: A Bill has been passed in the Reichstag which will make any department stores which earn more than 20,000 Pounds a Year open to taxation. It is generally considered the first step in taxing big business and some hope the possibility of eventually taxing the mayor banks, steel and coal firms.
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November, 1900: The Naval Plan that Tirpitz proposed earlier this month has been voted down by the Reichstag. By a majority of just one vote, with the Centre and Socialist parties opposing. The breaking point was the unlimited budget for naval construction, which according to one socialist "Germany could simply not afford."

The foreign minister Bulow was also have heard to have expressed doubt about such a fleet program without the levying of additional taxes. Which, considering the situation in the Bundesrat will be difficult.

However, the Second Naval Law is far from sunk, and it is expected that early next month or later this month Tirpitz will present a slightly modified Law. The Kaiser himself is said to have taken sides with Tirpitz and with his influence it is expected that the Reichstag will vote for the Bill next time around.
Edited by German Empire, May 11 2012, 06:15 PM.
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Late November, 1900: Following a month of behind the scenes negotiations Germany's new fleet plan has been unveiled. It has been most surprising in that it was based on the plans of Friedrich von Hollmann rather than those of Alfred Tirpitz. The Reichstag, unwilling to be bound to an unlimited construction budget refused to allow Tirpitz's Second Naval Bill to pass unless he could produce an estimated cost of his grandiose scheme, which called for such construction as to make Germany the worlds second leading naval power.

When the Kaiser tried to intervene on Tirpitz his behalf he was approached by a number of Socialist and Centre members of the Reichstag. These men, presented the Kaiser with an accommodation. The Canal Bill which Wilhelm had been advocating since 1899 would be voted through in full, and a modified fleet Bill with a predetermined construction budget would also be agreed upon. Wilhelm, initially driven to fury by this proposal declined it, however after speaking to both Bulow, a realist and Eulenburg, his friend. He invited the members of the Reichstag back to negotiate.

Tirpitz, after hearing of "plot" considered the confidence placed in him by the Kaiser so shaken that he threatened the Kaiser to stand by his plan or accept his resignation. After declining to accept Tirpitz's resignation the Kaiser retreated to his yacht on the Baltic to get away from all the commotion. However, unsure what to do, and fearing a total collapse in the plans of the German Naval build up, he contacted Hollmann, who had been put on leave after the First Naval Law had been passed, but who remained a powerful influence within the Naval League. Hollmann thus got the unusual luck of being able to talk to the Kaiser on his yacht in the Baltic for two whole days, together only with Bulow and Eulenburg.

After being convinced that a navy built around cruisers would not only be better for international relations, but also suit the needs of Germany more directly the Kaiser asked the leader of the Catholic party to meet with him. After gaining assurances of goodwill from both him and his Socialist counterpart. The Kaiser gave his blessing to Hollmann to draw up a new fleet program. It is expected that both the Second Fleet Law and the Canal Bill will be put to vote in the Reichstag next month.




Second Naval Law:

Two battleships
Twenty four large armoured cruisers
Thirty six light cruisers
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December, 1900: The Canal Bill and the Second Naval Bill have passed through the Reichstag this month. The Canal Bill by a majority of only one vote, the Naval Law by a larger margin.

The Mittelland Canal will run from the Rhine to Essen and from Essen via Lunen and Munster to Osnabruck. From Osnabruk it will pas through Minden, Hannover and Magdenburg and from Magdenburg will go on to Berlin. Following Berlin it will go on to the Oder. It is estimated that it will take between 15 and 25 years to complete.

There has been some serious interest taken into this latest political development by Germany. The Kaiser, acting in an extremely realist fashion made a deal with the socialists, of which until now he has always had an extreme loathing. It seems however that if the Kaiser can gain what he wants he will go to any length to secure it.
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April 1901: Bernhard Heinrich Karl Martin von Bülow has become Prime Minister of Prussia and Chancellor of Germany. The current Chancellor, Prince Hohenlohe left his post after informing the Kaiser that he was no longer possible to fore fill the duties required of him due to his ill health.

Bulow is considered an able politician and a intimate of Wilhelm II. It is hoped that together they will be able to continue the prosperity of Germany.
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July, 1901: It is rumoured that the Bavarian delegation to the Bundesrat is in the process of discussing a proposal which is to be made to the Reichstag. The Bill is said to contain a motion which would re-invigorate article 8 of the German Constitution. "The Federal Committee of Foreign Affairs" that was supposed to be established according to that article was never put into effect under the Bismarck Chancellery, in effect making the Prussian Foreign Ministry the Foreign Ministry of Imperial Germany.

The Bill is rumoured to have significant Royal support. Both Rupprecht of Bavaria and the Kaiser himself are said to support it. If passed the Bill would diminish the power held by the Prussian State.

A second part of the Bill also insist on the creation of a separate Imperial administrative service. Once again Imperial organs rely on the Prussian civil service to keep them running. The Bavarians insist that this runs "Against the ideals that are the German Empire".

How the Bill would ever pass through the Bundesrat so that it can be revieuwed by the Reichstag is a significant question, considering that Prussia wields a veto in the rat.
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August, 1901: The Kaiser's attitude towards the Bavarian proposal has changed radically, after realising that it would take away power from the Monarch. Bulow has been said to be the one responsible for the change, considering that the Kaiser had been heard to say last month that he ruled all the Germans and was more than just the King of Prussia. With both Bulow and the Kaiser against the Bill the chance of it passing through the Bundestag is very slim indeed.

The only hope for the Bavarians at this point seems to be support from the other German states, which is strong, especially in Württemberg, Baden and the Hanseatic cities. The chance that one of Prussia's deputies to the Bundestag might be swayed is another possibility, however unlikely.

The Socialist and Centre party press have picked up on the debate going on and have started supporting the Bavarian proposal with vigour.

The Kaiser seems to be the crux of the matter, for if he changes his mind once again in the function of the Prussian King, it might be the end of Bulow's Chancellorship.
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September, 1901: In a daring move the Bavarian segment of the Bundesrat put forward their motion to establish a Federal Committee for Foreign Affairs. Insisting that the Bill had already been accepted by the constitution the Bavarians argued that it only need to be put into practice, and thus would not have to be put to vote.

After significant reluctance from a number of the Prussian delegates it became clear that not all of the Prussian representatives were prepared to oppose the Bill. These consisted mainly of Prussians from the Rhineland who saw potential in a steady German wide foreign policy decided upon by all member states.

Accordingly the Bill will be forwarded the Reichstag.
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November 1901: "The Bill for the implementation of article 8 of the constitution and the creation of an Imperial civil service for the secretariats and Committees of Imperial Germany." Was put before the Reichstag today. Every member of the Reichstag bar East Elbian Prussians, or people who represented them voted for the Bill. Not only because of the implications the Bill will have, but also because of what it represents, and that it clearly is on the side of the founding fathers of Germany.

The immediate implication of the Bill are far reaching. The executive organ of German foreign policy will no longer be the Prussian Foreign Ministry but a committee made up of one representative each from: Bavaria, Wurttemberg, Baden, Saxony, Prussia and two from other member states, excluding the chairman. The chairman is to be nominated by the Kaiser, while the choice of other delegates is up to the Federal States to decide.

These delegates will be members of the Reichstag or Bundesrat and will be assisted in their tasks by a newly created Imperial civil Service. This civil service will be drawn from all of Imperial Germany and will have the task of providing staff for the offices and secretariats of the Reich.

The Prussian Foreign Ministry will give up its handling of German Foreign Policy in November 1902.
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December 1902: The new Federal Comitee for foreign affairs has now finally taken over all aspects of foreign policy from the Prussian Foreign Ministry. Its first true challenge has been the refusal of Venezuela to pay debts and dividents to German citizens, for this reason a special ambassador has been sent to The Hague to take the case to the Permanent Court of Arbitration. It is hoped that this court will rule in favour of the German citizens and that the money owed by Venezuela to Germany will quickly be paid.

The political parties have also started campaigning for elections which are due for 1903. The Conservatives in particular have been trying to rally support against the increasing power of the socialists. Several big business firms are trying to figure out who to support, with the protectionist East Elbian conservatives not being agreeable to their liberal free trade policies. While the socialists and the centre parties have the danger of being caring parties which might lobby for increased worker welfare and increased trade union power.
Edited by German Empire, Jun 10 2012, 11:20 AM.
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June 1903: The election results showed no big surprise for most of the German population.

Social Democratic Party: 81
Centre Party; 100
National Liberal Party: 51
German Conservative Party: 54
Free-minded People's Party: 21
Poles: 16
German Reich Party: 21
Anti-Semites: 11
German Free-minded Party: 9
Farmers' League: 4
Bavarian Peasants' League: 4
Alsatians: 9
German-Hanoverian Party: 6
German People's Party: 6
Danes: 1
Others: 3

The question now is if von Bulow will be able to create a working, stable majority resulting from the elections.
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July 1903:The signing of the German and Austro-Hungarian treaty of Commerce has created quite a stir amongst the East Elbian large landholders. Afraid of the new competition it is expected that they shall forward some oppose in the Reichstag next month.

However they are opposed by a formidable array of interests. The Socialists welcome the measure as it would significantly drop food prices in Germany, while the Steel and Pharmaceutical Industries insist that a renegotiation of the agricultural tariff change would allow the Austrians to re-negotiate the favourable terms gained in their respective sectors of industry.
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April 1904:Following a period of relative calm in German politics the stage has been set for what will be the political debate of this year. A Russian proposal to put a flat rate of 15% on all produce which is traded between Germany and Russia has touched a sensitive cord in the East Elbian Estates. Agricultural produce has been traditionally highly protected by the German State. This protection was eroded slightly following the Autro-Hungarian-German trade agreement, and the conservative farming lobbies want to make sure that its privileges do not get eroded any more.

However, following rising food prices the Socialists have been insisting that the German Government accept the Russian offer, however the Centre parties are seriously divided on the issue. Bavaria, where the strongest supporters of the Centre party come from, is a developed agricultural area and the 15% rate would hurt the farmers in the area. However, the Centre parties Catholic as they are do feel a certain obligation to the poor, who are now unable to buy as much food as they would be able to.

Other strategic and health issues also are in play. The Kaiser is considered to be on the side of the conservatives, but Bulow, being more of a pragmatist would like to see the 15% rate accepted.
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May 1904: The members of the Federal Committee for Foreign Affairs have brought the tariff question to the Reichstag this month. Discussions focused on two main issues. Firstly, the protection of German farmers and secondly the strategic implications of the removal of the subsidies in case of war.

The biggest German farms, which also are the ones which are least competitive are located to the East of the Elbe and run by great old families of Junkers. Their wealth has steadily eroded over the last few centuries and most now take office as either high civil servant or military officer. Without the substantial government protection of their agricultural products it is inevitable that this class will fall into an even larger decline, destroying the traditional class structure in the province of Brandenburg and East Prussia. It is clear that the popularly elected Reichstag will have no issue with substantial reform of the protectionist measures in play at this moment, but Prussia, wielding a majority in the Bundesratt has made it clear that it intends to veto any such proposal.

The divide in the Prussian Parliament does not help either. It is the last remaining of its kind in Germany, where the nobility still wield more power than the far more numerous peasants and bourgeoisie.

Thus, the Centre Party, in their newly found role as compromise has suggested some kind of half way measure, whereby German farmers would be assured of their sales while substantial amounts of American and Russian foodstuffs would be allowed to enter Germany, significantly dropping food prices, fuelling urbanisation and population growth.
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June 1904: Some common ground was established this month. Considering the fact that German agriculture can at this moment not provide for the German population, both Prussian and Socialist agreed on the need to ease import of food into Germany.

The main stumbling block is the insistence of the Prussian agricultural lobby to protect or guarantee its sales, even though it cannot compete with the price of either US or Russian agricultural produce. The Liberals commenting on the Prussian position, insisted that the superior quality of German foodstuffs would allow more expensive German products to remain competitive.

After plenty of haggling it was decided that foodstuffs would be put on quota, thus allowing Prussian farms to sell a assured amount of their produce in Germany. This will allow a reduction in tariffs of US and Russian agricultural produce without endangering German farmers.

However, significant criticism has been levelled at the Prussian Landlords from both the Socialist and Bavarian circles about the inefficiency of their farms. Even though German agricultural productivity per square kilometre is the highest in the world, the East Elbian farms lag behind significantly.

Months of negotiations are still to follow with the exact percentages and quotas of the imports still to be established.
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